51 results
Implications of Oxacillin-Resistant, mecA-Negative Staphylococcus aureus Detected in NICU MRSA Surveillance Cultures
- Geoffrey Ikpeama, Crystal Squires, Meghan Wallace, Patricia Kieffer, Ericka Hayes, Eric Ransom, Carey-Ann Burnham, Patrick Reich
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- Journal:
- Infection Control & Hospital Epidemiology / Volume 41 / Issue S1 / October 2020
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 02 November 2020, p. s284
- Print publication:
- October 2020
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Background: Weekly surveillance to identify neonatal intensive care unit (NICU) infants with methicillin-resistant S. aureus (MRSA) nasal colonization was performed using Remel Spectra MRSA chromogenic media. An increased MRSA colonization rate from baseline was detected in 2019, prompting additional review of all positive MRSA NICU screening cultures from 2019. Methods: A subset of 23 positive cultures were interrogated in detail. Species-level identification was confirmed using matrix-assisted laser desorption/ionization-time of flight (MALDI-TOF) with a Bruker Biotyper. Penicillin-binding protein 2a (PBP2a) testing was performed using the Alere culture colony test, and cefoxitin and oxacillin susceptibility were assessed via Kirby-Bauer disk-diffusion methods (for the purpose of this analysis, oxacillin zone sizes 18 mm were considered susceptible). Molecular detection of mecA and mecC genes using PCR was performed. Results: All 23 isolates in the subset group were confirmed as S. aureus based on MALDI-TOF testing. Moreover, 8 isolates (35%) were confirmed as MRSA based on cefoxitin susceptibility, positive rapid PBP2a testing, and mecA PCR results. Overall, 15 isolates (65%) tested cefoxitin-susceptible and PBP2a negative with negative mecA and mecC gene testing. Of these, 1 (7%) tested oxacillin-susceptible based on disk-diffusion testing, consistent with methicillin-susceptible S. aureus (MSSA). The remaining 14 isolates (93%) tested oxacillin resistant based on oxacillin zone size. Conclusions: Our findings indicate the detection of mecA/mecC negative S. aureus isolates demonstrating oxacillin resistance and growth on Remel Spectra MRSA chromogenic media. These results have important implications for infection prevention surveillance efforts to detect MRSA and raise questions regarding optimal antibiotic therapy in patients with isolates displaying this phenotype.
Funding: None
Disclosures: None
3572 The Flint Community’s Action Plan to Rebuild Trust and Encourage Resiliency During the Post Water Crisis Phase
- Karen D. Calhoun, Kent Key, E. Yvonne Lewis, Susan J Woolford, E. Hill DeLoney, Jennifer Carerra, Joe Hamm, Ella Greene-Moton, Patricia Piechowski, Kaneesha Wallace, Elder Sarah Bailey
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- Journal:
- Journal of Clinical and Translational Science / Volume 3 / Issue s1 / March 2019
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 26 March 2019, p. 96
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OBJECTIVES/SPECIFIC AIMS: o To review the community’s recommendations on how to rebuild trust in the Flint community. o To review effective community engagement strategies utilized with the Flint Special Projects for project conceptualization, participant recruitment, data analysis, project oversight, and dissemination. METHODS/STUDY POPULATION: The study population includes nearly two hundred residents representing seniors, youth and diverse ethnicities recruited to participate in eleven focus group meetings. The population also represents the general public who attended informational meetings in Flint, Michigan to learn about the crisis and allow residents to voice their opinions and concerns during the onset of the crisis. The project is a mixed methods community based participatory research effort that utilized community decision making in all phases of the effort such as pre-conception, implementation, dissemination and advocacy to encourage the community’s recommendations are adopted at policy and institutional responsiveness levels. It includes three community engaged research efforts: (project 1) A qualitative analysis of community sentiment provided during 17 recorded legislative, media and community events, and (projects 2-3) two mixed methods efforts utilizing purposive sampling of stakeholders whose voice may not have been heard. RESULTS/ANTICIPATED RESULTS: The project presents a qualitative analysis of the community’s voice during the onset of the man-made disaster when the community first became aware of the emergency manager’s plans to switch the water source. It also reflects current perspectives of community voice since the projects are scheduled to end late February 2019. Findings from a trust measure administered to nearly two hundred residents will be presented, along with a qualitative analysis of focus group findings among segments of the population (seniors, youth, and diverse ethnicities) who may have been left out of narratives on the water crisis. Finally, the project will compare empowerment and resiliency approaches being utilized in Flint, Michigan to recover from the disaster with other approaches grounded in literature and theory. DISCUSSION/SIGNIFICANCE OF IMPACT: Communities of color often experience social determinants of health which negatively impact their health, well-being and human rights. Some Flint citizens are experiencing negative health consequences (i.e., rashes, brain and behavioral sequelle, fertility, etc.) as a result of the disaster, and are uncertain of health outcomes in the future. This is the first project to rigorously document and analyze levels of trust and mistrust in the city of Flint since the water disaster occurred. The qualitative research will guide future clinical research that will benefit this traumatized community experiencing high levels of mistrust (i.e., government, elected officials, etc.). The community engaged methodology involved residents and study participants in all phases of the project including project oversight, validating and analyzing data, and dissemination. This methodology will contribute to existing literature and theory on community based participatory research, community engaged research, team science and citizen science. The approaches empowered a call to action among residents, for example, seniors who attended two senior focus group sessions shared “they are hopeful and have a purpose,” resulting in the creation of a council (with officers) at their housing complex to advocate for the well-being of seniors during the recovery process. Recruitment methodologies were extremely successful due to resident level trust in community leaders and community partner organizations. Finally, the project’s examination of approaches encouraging empowerment and resiliency will provide lessons learned for other communities challenged with crisis.
Systematic dependence of kinetic and thermodynamic barriers to homogeneous silica nucleation on NaCl and amino acids
- Patricia M. Dove, Nizhou Han, Adam F. Wallace
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- Journal:
- Journal of Materials Research / Volume 34 / Issue 3 / 14 February 2019
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 15 February 2019, pp. 442-455
- Print publication:
- 14 February 2019
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The kinetics of silica polymerization was measured in silicic acid solutions containing a suite of 0.1 M amino acids, 0.1 M citric acid, 0.7 M NaCl, and 0.10 M NaCl (Control). Fitting a modified classical rate model to measurements of induction time (τ) at 20 °C for a series of supersaturated solutions, we estimate the thermodynamic barrier (ΔGc), interfacial free energy (γ), and kinetic barrier (Δagk) for silica nucleation. For 0.10 M NaCl solutions, γControl = 54.9 ± 1.6 mJ/m2 and ΔagkControl = 2.29 × 10−19 J/mol. These values are consistent with previous reports for amorphous and fused silica materials. To facilitate comparisons with the treatments, ΔagkControl is converted to a molar basis and used as a reference datum, such that ΔagkControl = 0.0 J/mol. The effects of salt and organic acids on nucleation rate have thermodynamic and kinetic origins, respectively. Faster nucleation rates measured in 0.7 M NaCl solutions arise from a lower interfacial free energy, such that γ0.7 M NaCl = 51.4 ± 1.7 mJ/m2. Organic acids increase rate through biomolecule-specific reductions in Δagk. Catalytic effects are greatest for lysine (Δagklysine = −1685 ± 315) and citric acid (Δagkcitric = −1690 ± 96 J/mol). Reductions in the kinetic barrier correlate with net positive charge of the amino acids and dissociation of the amine $\left( {{K_{\alpha {\rm{ ‐ N}}{{\rm{H}}_3}^ {\bf{+}} }}} \right)$ group and thus the abundance of the conjugate base. Citric acid, lacking amine groups, promotes the greatest rate enhancement, thus demonstrating the role(s) of additional kinetic factors in promoting nucleation rate. Catalytic activity correlates with multiple physical and chemical properties of the organic acids.
2447 Community voices first: A multi-method approach to shaping institutional response to Flint’s water crisis
- Karen D. Calhoun, Kent Key, E. Yvonne Lewis, Jennifer Carerra, Joseph Hamm, Susan Woolford, E. Hill De Loney, Ella Greene-Moten, Arlene Sparks, Don Vereen, Patricia Piechowski-Whitney, Kaneesha Wallace, Ismael Byers, Athena McKay, DeWaun Robinson, Jess Holzer, Vanessa De Danzine, Adam Paberzs, Meghan Spiroff, Erica Marsh
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- Journal:
- Journal of Clinical and Translational Science / Volume 2 / Issue S1 / June 2018
- Published online by Cambridge University Press:
- 21 November 2018, pp. 66-67
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OBJECTIVES/SPECIFIC AIMS: Explore perceptions of Flint stakeholders on the water crisis regarding trust and the capacity of faith and community-based organizations providing public health services to address community needs. Analyze the community’s voice shared at (1) 17 key community communications (community/congressional meetings and events), and (2) during 9 focus group sessions, in which residents, faith-based leadership and other stakeholders discuss issues and concerns on the Flint Water Crisis, and recommend ways to address them. Develop a framework that defines core theories, concepts and strategies recommended by the community to help rebuild trust and the quality of life in Flint, Michigan, and support other communities experiencing environmental stress. METHODS/STUDY POPULATION: Study population: faith-based leaders, seniors, youth, Hispanic/Latino and African American stakeholders, and others experiencing inequities in the city of Flint. Convene 9 focus group sessions (recorded and transcribed) to learn community perceptions on trust and ways to address it. Validate accuracy of the transcriptions with community consultants to reconcile any inaccurate information. Through a community engaged research (CEnR) process, review and analyze qualitative data from the 9 focus group sessions, and quantitative data from 2 surveys documenting (1) demographic backgrounds of focus group participants, and (2) their perceptions on trust and mistrust. Prepare a codebook to qualitatively analyze the focus group data summarizing community input on trust, mistrust, changes in service delivery among community and faith-based organizations, and ways to re-build trust in the city of Flint. Transcribe the community’s voice shared during 17 key events, identified by a team of community-academic stakeholders (i.e., UM Flint water course, congressional and community events, etc.), in which residents and other stakeholders discuss issues and concerns on the Flint Water Crisis, and recommend ways to address it. Qualitatively analyze the transcriptions, using a CEnR process to prepare a codebook on key themes from the community’s voice shared at these events, and recommendations on ways to address it. Compare and contrast findings between the two codebooks developed from (1) the focus group data and (2) qualitative analysis of community voice during public meetings and events. Synthesize this information into a framework of core theories, concepts and rebuilding strategies for Flint, Michigan. RESULTS/ANTICIPATED RESULTS: It is important to note many undocumented immigrant populations in Flint fear deportation and other consequences, hampering their ability to obtain service and provide community voice. Through our purposive sampling approach, we will hear from community voices not often included in narratives (i.e., seniors, youth, Hispanic/Latino residents). The presentation will present findings documenting levels of trust and mistrust in the city of Flint; and a framework of recommendations, core theories and concepts on ways to reduce, rebuild and eliminate stress that will be helpful to other communities experiencing distress. DISCUSSION/SIGNIFICANCE OF IMPACT: To our knowledge, levels of trust and mistrust in Flint have not been documented thus far. We will compare and contrast common themes presented by the community at public meetings and events with themes presented in our focus group effort on trust. Faith and community-based providers were among the first responders to the Flint Water Crisis. The effort will also share perceptions on changes in public health service delivery, and observations on preparedness for these roles that occurred among community and faith-based providers. Finally, the effort will (1) support the design of a research agenda, (2) define a framework of core theories, concepts and recommendations developed by the community to help rebuild trust in Flint, Michigan; and (3) support other communities addressing environmental distress.
Chapter 1 - Poetry
- from Part I - Modes
- Edited by David Wyatt, University of Maryland, College Park
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- American Literature in Transition, 1960–1970</I>
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- 07 September 2018
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- 13 September 2018, pp 13-28
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Frontmatter
- Patricia Wallace, University of Maryland, University College
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- The Psychology of the Internet
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- 28 May 2018
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- 10 November 2015, pp i-iv
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7 - THE PSYCHOLOGY OF ONLINE GAMING
- Patricia Wallace, University of Maryland, University College
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- The Psychology of the Internet
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- 28 May 2018
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- 10 November 2015, pp 193-227
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Summary
My character is more “me” than me, or at least how I want to be. My elf is tough, strong, a can-do sort of person.
– Female, age thirty-seven, World of Warcraft playerI started Candy Crush to relax, but then my friends got on and we started a competition. Now it's a race to the next level.
– Male, age twenty-two, Candy Crush Saga playerGames have been an essential part of human societies for thousands of years, to teach skills, to earn rewards, to compete, or to escape boredom. Archaeological evidence suggests that human beings in some New World villages enjoyed dice games more than 5,000 years ago. The Royal Game of Ur, a board game still played in some parts of the world, dates back to 2600 BCE.
However, the computer, and later the Internet, transformed the essence of gaming. Now, you can play dice – and thousands of other games – with virtually anyone in the world, at any time of day or night, on a computer, smartphone, tablet, or video console. You can shoot enemy missiles, play cards, build cities, or team up with other players to bring down powerful bosses.
The term video game encompasses any kind of computer-based game, whether or not Internet access is required, and they share many characteristics. The most important feature is interactivity, which separates the video game from more passive media such as television, books, and web surfing. The player engages with the game, following its rules and recognizing its constraints. Beyond that, however, video games vary considerably, particularly from a psychological perspective.
TAXONOMY OF VIDEO GAMES
Just as it is not always clear how to categorize a book, movie, or song, it is a challenge to sort out video games into meaningful categories. Is the movie a drama or comedy? Is the song bluegrass or country? Sometimes, media wind up in odd categories for unexpected reasons. Netflix categorized Orange Is the New Black as a comedy, despite its dark themes in a women's prison, because the company didn't want the show competing for Emmy awards against its dramatic blockbuster House of Cards.
Contents
- Patricia Wallace, University of Maryland, University College
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- Book:
- The Psychology of the Internet
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- 28 May 2018
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- 10 November 2015, pp vii-x
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5 - LIKING AND LOVING ON THE NET: THE PSYCHOLOGY OF INTERPERSONAL ATTRACTION
- Patricia Wallace, University of Maryland, University College
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- The Psychology of the Internet
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- 28 May 2018
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- 10 November 2015, pp 124-157
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Summary
Developing close friendships, finding romance, and nurturing these relationships are lifelong pursuits that the Internet is fundamentally transforming. Not only do people seek out companions online; many rely heavily on their online tools to communicate and stay connected. We have seen how online environments can escalate tension and anger, thanks in part to features such as perceived anonymity, physical distance, and the paucity of nonverbal cues. But how do these same environments affect intimate friendships, romance, and love?
In many cases, social media and other online tools complement existing relationships that already have a strong face-to-face component. Certainly the majority of social network friends are also known to most profile owners in person, so the online relationships are just one facet of a richer context of hanging out, dates, family gatherings, meetings, or phone calls. However, people also meet for the first time through dating sites, in support groups, in massively multiplayer online role-playing games (MMORPGs), and as virtual team members at work.
Research on interpersonal attraction is voluminous, and it uncovers a great deal about the reasons one person is attracted to another, particularly on first meeting. Let's look at the factors that affect attraction in real-life settings first.
THE BASICS OF INTERPERSONAL ATTRACTION, OFFLINE
When you meet another person, how do you decide that you like that person and would like to explore a more intimate relationship? What attracts you to certain people? Why would you be romantically attracted to one person, but not another? When researchers ask people what traits they look for in a potential partner, they often list characteristics such as honesty, sense of humor, intelligence, warmth, and confidence. Men tend to rate physical attractiveness in their ideal mates higher than women do, and women are more likely to consider a man's earning potential.
But both insist that looks are not the most important factor. That sounds promising, and suggests that people really try to look beyond the superficial to understand the person's character. But are those traits really what attract others?
Acknowledgments
- Patricia Wallace, University of Maryland, University College
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- The Psychology of the Internet
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- 28 May 2018
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- 10 November 2015, pp xiii-xiii
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List of Tables
- Patricia Wallace, University of Maryland, University College
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- The Psychology of the Internet
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- 28 May 2018
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- 10 November 2015, pp xv-xvi
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List of Figures
- Patricia Wallace, University of Maryland, University College
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- The Psychology of the Internet
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- 28 May 2018
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- 10 November 2015, pp xiv-xiv
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6 - ALTRUISM ON THE NET: THE PSYCHOLOGY OF PROSOCIAL BEHAVIOR
- Patricia Wallace, University of Maryland, University College
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- The Psychology of the Internet
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- 28 May 2018
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- 10 November 2015, pp 158-192
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Summary
Struggling to build a new sanctuary for sick or injured farm animals in Australia, Pam Ahern turned to the Internet for help. She launched her campaign on the online crowdfunding platform Chuffed.org, and within just three days, she reached her initial goal of $50,000. After two months, the campaign attracted support from people in fourteen countries, and donations topped $162,000. Ahern said, “I was absolutely blown away with the kindness, generosity, and belief people have shown for our work.”
RANDOM ACTS OF KINDNESS: INTERNET STYLE
The news rarely carries stories of how humans behave kindly, even nobly toward one another on- or offline. While stalking, cybercrime, mass protests, or pornography grab the attention of journalists, the less-sensational human interest stories might be treated more as filler for the back of the magazines. Yet behind the scenes, random acts of kindness occur regularly, and people might be surprised to learn how altruistic people can be when they enter certain online neighborhoods.
As we discussed in Chapter 4, on aggression, some online environments unleash an alarming level of toxic disinhibition, flaming, and hate speech. But we also find a considerable amount of prosocial behavior, which – in contrast to antisocial behavior – describes actions that benefit people other than oneself. Motives range from the purely altruistic to calculated self-interest, or a combination of both. But the positive contribution such behavior makes to the online world is very welcome. Three areas in which the Internet has been especially prominent are volunteerism, fundraising and crowdfunding, and online support groups.
Volunteerism
The net has a long history of volunteerism, and people freely give their time to answer random questions, maintain servers, tutor kids, edit Wikipedia entries, offer cooking tips, and write reviews. People send speedy replies to calls for help – right alongside the seedier and meaner bit streams.
People on the net are willing to help one another in small and sometimes very large ways. Helpful replies to requests for information are extremely common, and the willingness of so many to provide assistance is one of the main reasons people participate in discussion forums. For example, on Yahoo! Answers’ Homework Help topic someone asked, “What is the national costume or traditional clothes in Indonesia?” Within minutes, an answer appeared, citing “Batik and Kebaya. They are usually bright and colorful.
4 - THE PSYCHOLOGY OF ONLINE AGGRESSION
- Patricia Wallace, University of Maryland, University College
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- The Psychology of the Internet
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- 28 May 2018
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- 10 November 2015, pp 96-123
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Summary
Caroline Criado-Perez learned firsthand how aggression unfolds online – on Twitter in her case. She was posting on social media to advocate for a female figure to appear on a Bank of England note when Internet trolls launched their attack. Two of the perpetrators used more than 80 separate accounts to bombard Criado-Perez with vile tweets that threatened rape, murder, and torture. The attacks were life changing for the victim, who couldn't sleep and doubted whether the abuse would ever end.
Rarely, offenders are caught, and the two did prison time for their actions. While savvy trolls work hard to cover their digital tracks, these offenders were not very careful. An alert investigator tracked down one down because he linked a Twitter account to a videogame profile, where he used his real name.
The man and woman who committed this aggression are two different kinds of trolls, and while their behavior was similar, the underlying causes were not. The man's lawyer described him as a sad individual with little social life, no criminal record, and learning difficulties. The woman, however, was socially active, with many offline friendships. Initially, she defended her actions with tweets like these:
You're in the public eye, you're on Twitter, then you should expect some sort of abuse. People take it all the time. Why are you different?!
letters/words are never a threat. They're hardly going to jump off the page at you
But later, she seemed remorseful about her behavior:
Of course, I support woman's rights, being one myself. I'm ashamed of my behaviour and like I've previously stated I won't be doing anything like this again.
What causes human aggression? Biological factors may play a role, particularly higher testosterone levels. But environmental factors may play a larger role. Many people believe that the Internet is loaded with trolling, fighting, and flaming and that aggression in general is higher online than offline because of the nature of the environment. Certainly, some research confirms this, especially the early studies on computer-mediated communication (CMC) that uncovered startling levels of name calling, swearing, and insults – much higher than in face-to-face groups. Indeed, the woman's attorney claimed she was a “victim of new technology as she did not understand the impact of what she was doing.”
9 - GENDER ISSUES AND SEXUALITY ON THE INTERNET
- Patricia Wallace, University of Maryland, University College
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- Book:
- The Psychology of the Internet
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- 28 May 2018
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- 10 November 2015, pp 264-293
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Summary
Gender has not vaporized in cyberspace, and issues related to gender roles and stereotypes have, in some ways, been exacerbated as we migrated to online environments in large numbers. I have touched on some gender issues in previous chapters as they relate to impression formation, social networking, aggression, helping, and other aspects of the psychology of the Internet. To understand why gender is relevant to our online behavior, and why this environment appears to magnify certain issues, we first need to look closely at the stereotypes people often hold about men and women, in particular, where they come from and how they affect our behavior in face-to-face settings.
MALE AND FEMALE: NOT OPPOSITE SEXES
Calling men and women “opposite” sexes has probably biased our thinking about gender roles. The truth is that there are far more similarities than differences. A major review of the huge body of research that examines gender differences came to the conclusion that when differences are found, the vast majority are quite small.
Even when statistical differences are found on some measure, the variation within each group is almost always extremely high. If, for example, a study finds that the mean score for men on a spatial abilities test comes out higher than the mean score for women, the finding is often reported with the headline, “Research confirms that men have better spatial abilities than women.” The underlying data would have shown considerable overlap, with many women outscoring men, but that is not the way it appears in the press. We like things simple, and it is just easier to slap labels on people than to struggle with the complexity underlying any kind of human behavior.
Are You Adventurous or Affectionate?
Consider, for example, a large multinational study in which researchers described two different people. One person is adventurous, coarse, dominant, forceful, independent, and strong, while the second is affectionate, dependent, dreamy, emotional, submissive, and weak. In country after country, the subjects came to the same conclusion: the first one is a man and the second one is a woman. The adjectives we tend to associate with each gender seem quite opposite, even though the reality underlying them is far more complicated.
Preface to the Second Edition
- Patricia Wallace, University of Maryland, University College
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- The Psychology of the Internet
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- 28 May 2018
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- 10 November 2015, pp xi-xii
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Summary
When the first edition of The Psychology of the Internet came out in 1999, brick and mortar bookstores still reigned. With eight employees, Google had just outgrown its garage office, and Facebook founder Mark Zuckerberg immersed himself in classics as a high school sophomore. The release of Apple's iPhone and the torrent of mobile applications that followed were nearly a decade away. I would say “much has happened since 1999” if it were not such a laughable understatement.
The Internet of the 1990s attracted pioneers who explored an unchartered territory that took fortitude even to enter. Clunky dial-up modems, buggy software, frustrating load times, and unreliable connections dogged our efforts and blocked our work. At that time, the psychological aspects of the different corners of cyberspace received little attention from researchers, but anyone who spent time online could see that those aspects were already having fundamental effects on human behavior. To better understand how and why we were behaving in sometimes surprising ways, I drew mainly on classic research in the social sciences.
Those classic studies remain relevant, but this new edition adds a wealth of contemporary research that examines the psychology of the vastly expanded online world. Active research in psychology, communications, computer science, business, political science, and other disciplines is generating new insights about human behavior online, especially on social media. Many academic journals specifically focus on these topics, such as Computers in Human Behavior; Journal of Computer-Mediated Communication; Cyberpsychology, Behavior, and Social Networking; New Media and Society; CyberPsychology and Behavior; and Cyberpsychology. Universities are launching academic programs, conferences, and institutes on Internet studies to explore the broader issues that the net raises for human beings, bringing together people with different backgrounds and perspectives.
As in the first edition, my goal is not to extol a utopian future built on emerging digital technologies. Nor is it to paint a darker picture in which the Internet leads to dire consequences for human behavior and social relationships. Instead, I describe – in a balanced way – what we actually know from research about the psychology of the Internet, citing both positives and negatives and raising many new questions. Some of the research zeroes in on specifics the reader should find quite useful, such as how people form impressions from social media profiles, or why certain videos go viral.
1 - THE INTERNET IN A PSYCHOLOGICAL CONTEXT
- Patricia Wallace, University of Maryland, University College
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- Book:
- The Psychology of the Internet
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- 28 May 2018
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- 10 November 2015, pp 1-24
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Summary
Scrolling through Twitter's trending topics, I came upon #Ilostsleepbecause, one of those “fill in the blank” Internet memes that spreads from person to person, nudging Twitter users around the world to add witty or eye-catching endings. One response was, “There are still people out there who haven't watched Casablanca.” Another person tweeted, “I don't know how to put my phone down,” and that answer resonates with many of us. The smartphone connects the Twitter user to the Internet 24 hours a day, and it never sleeps, either.
At one time, the Internet was an arcane communication medium for academics and researchers, but now it sustains almost any human activity you can imagine, from shopping to sex, from research to rebellion. We use it to keep in touch with friends and coworkers, search for bargains, conduct research, exchange information, meet strangers, hatch conspiracies, and even talk to animals. Koko, the mountain gorilla who knows some American Sign Language, participated in a live Internet chat. People from all over the world logged into the chat room to ask questions and hear Koko's views on motherhood, pets, food preferences, friendship, love, and the future. She was not in the best mood, having just had a tiff with her mate, Ndume, and she shared her annoyance with the crowd by referring to him derisively as toilet, which is her word for “bad.”
The Internet explosion happened very rapidly, and online environments continue to change at a breathtaking pace. For researchers trying to study how the net affects human behavior, it is a constantly moving target, but we know that the Internet is a place where we humans are acting and interacting rather strangely at times. Sometimes its psychological effects seem to be quite positive, but sometimes, we do things online that we might never do in any other environment and that we regret later. At the same time, it is an environment that we can affect and mold – for better or worse.
If you mainly read news online, but occasionally glance at the comments, you might think that the Internet at large is overpopulated by people with mental disorders, bizarre ideas, and questionable motives and that normal folk had better tread very cautiously.
10 - THE PSYCHOLOGY OF ONLINE PRIVACY AND SURVEILLANCE
- Patricia Wallace, University of Maryland, University College
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- Book:
- The Psychology of the Internet
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- 28 May 2018
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- 10 November 2015, pp 294-320
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Summary
When was the last time you read the end-user license agreement (EULA) before installing an app on your smartphone? These EULAs stretch to thousands of words of legalese, and many of them require you to relinquish a considerable amount of privacy before you can use the app. Embedded in all that tiny print are terms that might allow the company to collect data on usage patterns, your location and movements, your purchases, your messaging habits, and more.
How do people think about online privacy, and what strategies are they using to protect it? Perhaps many of us have just given up and are taking the advice of Scott McNealy, the co-founder and former CEO of Sun Microsystems. Back in 1999, long before Facebook's breaches, Edward Snowden's revelations, and the hacked records at the Office of Personnel Management. McNealy said, “You have zero privacy anyway. Get over it.”
Intellectually, we may suspect that privacy in cyberspace is an endangered species, but we often don't act like it. People rant about their bosses online in ways they would never do at the office. They attach compromising photos to their text messages, but certainly won't slip the same photo into a 9 × 12 envelope and drop it in the mail. We profess to value privacy, but we still click “install” without reading the fine print.
This chapter focuses on the ways in which online privacy and surveillance are evolving, how people are reacting to the changes, and what psychological effects the overall erosion of privacy is having. To start, however, let's look at what the term actually means and how our understanding of privacy continually changes.
THE HISTORY AND MEANING OF “PRIVACY”
Although much writing on the concept of “privacy” is relatively recent, anthropologists contend that the drive to keep certain things private dates back millions of years. For a hunting and gathering group, individuals might want to withdraw from interactions at times or conceal some of their actions from other group members. But as human beings settled into larger agricultural communities, they no longer knew all the members quite as well, and they had fewer opportunities to form strong, trusting bonds with all those people. That may also foster a greater interest in privacy along with social norms that define what constitutes intrusions.
11 - THE INTERNET AS A TIME SINK
- Patricia Wallace, University of Maryland, University College
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- The Psychology of the Internet
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- 28 May 2018
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- 10 November 2015, pp 321-342
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One year ago, I left the Internet. I thought it was making me unproductive. I thought it lacked meaning. I thought it was corrupting my soul.
– Paul MillerTechnology writer Paul Miller decided to “unplug” in 2012, burnt out by what he called the hamster wheel of email and the deluge of information on the web. He kept his job at The Verge, partly because his boss approved of the plan and thought it would make a great story. Miller continued to submit articles, but he stopped using email, the web, social media, and everything else on the net.
Miller is not the only one alarmed by how central the Internet had become in his life and how much time he spent online. Many of you reading this chapter can relate to his angst, a sinking feeling that we may have gone overboard with our gadgets and constant connectedness. A friend asked me, “Do you check your smartphone as soon as you wake up?” Then she added, “My problem is that I wake up to check it and can't get back to sleep.”
Researchers interested in how much people use the Internet often ask questions such as, “How many hours a week do you spend online?” But with net access available on smartphones, watches, and Google Glass headgear, we are increasingly always online, so questions like that seem quaintly antiquated. Advantages abound, of course, from catching up on work during a long commute on a train equipped with wifi to an instant notification about a flash flood on a road you were about to cross. But problems are also arising as the Internet's time sink encroaches on more and more of our lives. Let's start with what is called work–life balance, which may need a new name because it is now less “balance” and more “merger.”
THE 24/7 WORK WEEK
Do your colleagues expect you to read email in the evenings and on weekends? Does your boss expect that? Do you expect that of yourself, and of your own coworkers? Many do, especially if they are in industries such as real estate, sales, journalism, consulting, finance, or safety. And even if your employer doesn't write down any particular policies, you may feel as if you need to stay in close touch – to earn that promotion, for instance, or to escape the next layoff.
Dedication
- Patricia Wallace, University of Maryland, University College
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- Book:
- The Psychology of the Internet
- Published online:
- 28 May 2018
- Print publication:
- 10 November 2015, pp v-vi
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